Correspondence Concerning Slavery in Texas 2

SONS OF DEWITT COLONY TEXAS
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Correspondence regarding Slavery in Texas

James E. B. Austin to Austin San Antonio August 22 de 1826 (Wednesday)
DR BROTHER I arrived at this place last fryday but declined writing untill the present moment as I had not collected matter sufficient for a lengthy letter and the mail does not go out untill thursday. on my arrival here I found a letter from you and last mail brought another; your "triste" letter by last mail has almost given me the horrors, to see you so gloomy-I am happy to hear your health is so much improved-and I hope a favourable Slave Law will have a salutary effect in removing the hippo and other affecting complaints-such as the frets, lowering the eye brows etc etc now for the news-in the first place Bernardo Gutierris has been removed from office and yr friend Genl Anastacio Bustamente appointed in his place-The Government is much displeased at the conduct of Gutierris he has deceived them on every point relative to the state of Indian affairs in this Department-the Government has made sufficient appropriations to carry on the Indian War with energy but it appears he applied the appropriations of Govt to his own private use; and represented to the Govt that the Campaign was proceeding with all possible vigor- Bustamante will make this head Quarters untill the war is finished-no doubt exists that he is on the way-his proclamacion to the inhabitants of this Department has already arrived you will receive one by this mail--I perceive by your letter that the Slave question has caused considerable sensation in the Colony I have had much conversation with Saucedo and others on this subject I see no reason why you should apprehend the abolition of the Slaves belonging to the 300 families; the thing is decided with regard to that point-those slaves are guaranteed to the settlers by the Law of Colonization and they can not be deprived of them-this is the opinion that prevails in this place- The Ayuntamiento of this place presented a memorial to the Legislature as soon as the project arrived-praying that the discussion on that important point might be suspended untill they could have time to consider upon it, and inform the other Ayuntamientos of the Department that they might do the same. Since then they have given it the attention it merited-and by the last mail have sent up a representation couched in the strongest language they could express in favor of the admission in the New Colonies-they declare it to be indispensable to the prosperity of this Department, in fact they have said all they can say-as to the prospect of freeing the slaves of the 300 families they declare it to [be] an unjust abuse of the rights of the Colonists- As to the plan of indemnifying the Settlers for their slaves it is absurd where is the State to obtain 500,000-in cash to pay for the slaves that are already introduced-for it is not expected they will be deprived of them-and lay out of their capital 3 or 4 years-all these things have been considered-and for my part I have a more flattering hope of a favourable slave law-at this time than I have ever -had before-your representation has been sent on-they say it is " algo duro--but they make allowances-Saucedo showed me a letter from the Baron and the Senator Cevallos on this subject the viejo is very warm on the subject-you will receive a copy of it by mail- The Old Baron has strove hard for us-I know not -what would have been our fate if he had not been a member of the Legislature- Our situation would have been a deplorable one indeed

If a favourable Slave Law is passed it will be attributed in a great measure to the unremitted exertions of the Baron and I wish the Settlers to know it-as many of them are inimical to him-popular opinion has changed very much in his favor within the last year in this place-I wrote him a lengthy letter last mail to act a "contra" to the "Triste" one I supposed you had written At all events if it comes to the worst and the slaves of the 300 families are freed we have a right to appeal to Congress-where I am convinced all will go right I have conversed with Saucedo and Flores relative to yr. contract with Burnett and Fullerton-Saucedo is fully of the opinion that you are at liberty to make any contract of that kind you may think proper-and recommends the plan as the surest and most expeditious to settle the New Colony-he and Flores also observes that no objection can be made as to reserving a certain extent of country for them and having it surveyed against they arrive-even if they should not arrive under a year-as the Law allows six years for the settling of the new Colonies I think you misunderstand the law relative to the introduction of 100 families before they can receive possession-Saucedo says that as fast as they arrive they can have the quantity of land designated to them the law allows-and they can go on to it and go to work and when the Commissioner arrives they can be put in possession-Flores will wait untill he hears more from you-or untill the Slave question is decided but he tells me to inform you that you may expect the utmost latitude from him that can be given-without infringing the Law of Colonization too much I have fully explained to Saucedo the necessity of your receiving something to satisfy you for your trouble and the expense you are at he feels fully convinced that it is just and right you should do so-and says there will be no difficulty on that head-If you can make a contract with the new Settlers to pay 20, 30, or 100 dollars; if you please over and above what the Govt requires-he says you have a right to do so-as the Law makes all contracts on the part of the Empresario and Colonists binding provided it is with their consent however-he has promised me to do all he can for you on this point The New Arancel Mr. Kerr-will take on-I have seen the instructions of Flores they are very full and explicit but they are so lengthy that owing to my bad health I shall not be able to copy them for you-With the advice of Saucedo I do not think it necessary for me to go on to Saltillo but I have written the Baron that should it be necessary-to write me Directed to san Carlos ---I shall leave this the day after to morrow for Laredo-I wish you to write to me directed to San Carlos-you must expect no assistance from this place untill the Comdt Genl Bustamante arrives then I expect troops will be stationed on the Brazos-Ahumada will be removed to Nacogdoches-with the Troops under his command, and a garrison will be placed on the Sabine-the Govt has appropriated an immense sum for the payment of Troops stationed in this Department $60,000 dollars arrived not long since and 30,000 will arrive next week-and 30,000 more is already "habilitado"-Your draft on the Govt at this place has been duly honored and I can get the money today

The French fleet has met with a total defeat 10 miles the other side of the San Marks-6 Indians stole 80-mules and 25 horses and left them completely on foot-they have procured 30 yoke of oxen in this place-and have been a week gone to bring in the waggons The order for an Election for Electors was published in this place on sunday last-and the same will be forwarded on to the Brazos by this mail-It appears the Electors are to meet at this place on the 6th of next month for the purpose of Electing an Elector to vote for Deputies to Congress the Elector that is appointed has to go all the way to Saltillo to give in his vote-and has to bear his own expense there and back; the inhabitants of this place are very much disgusted with so absurd a regulation-and I believe they have come to the conclusion to vote for the Baron; as he is already there and it is well known he will only vote for those that are favourably disposed towards this Department-they speak of Dn Victor Blanco, Gonzales, Cevallos, or Yesca [Viesca]-we are entitled to 4 Electors and they must be instructed to vote for the Baron as Elector-O! how the Citizens of this place do curse the day they connected themselves to Coahuila I cannot tell when I shall return I am determined not to do so untill I do something-If slavery is not permitted I have come to the conclusion provided I can get 100 mules to employ 4 or 5000 dollars in goods and bring them to this place-I have never seen so good a prospect to clean 8 or 9000 dollars as offers at this time here (and owing to the prohibition laws which they have lately received the strictest orders to enforce) And the additional number of troops to be stationed here, the prospect will be better-6 or 7 months hence As to the Colony Saucedo says there is no restriction-there is one thing I wish to caution you-There has lately arrived here a new decree relative to passports and you must be particular to whom you give pasports hereafter-(the same order has been sent on to you) you will have to express in the pasports whether they are Colonists or not-if they bring goods the kind and the amt The cause of this last Decree relating to pasports is owing [to] abuses comitted by strangers on the Coast against the Revenue laws-and also for fear Spain may introduce Emissaries into this republic as she has lately done in Buenos Ayres

Berrimende and Dn Erasmo's son Juan will start on the 11th of next month for New Orleans they calculate to go by Sn Felipe you must try and be at home-I wish you to be very particular in your attentions to Juan for my sake for I am certainly indebted to his family for inumerable favors-i [should] he want a new supply of provisions furnish him -with the best let it cost what it may-Also he will want letters of recomendation to persons in New Orleans which I wish vou to furnish him with he goes on to purchase goods, probably to the amt of 1000 or 1,200-Also tell Mrs. Picket to have some good butter for him to take along on the road-I would rather that you and J. E. G[ross]-would come to some understanding different from the one you are now on-as to Keep from what I have learned since I left you-it is his intention to leave the country shortly Parker has been imprisoned in La Bahia very unjustly I have procured an order for his release-which the Govr has sent on to day Do, let me beg of you to assume more cheerfulness you alway, put the worst construction on things and thereby render yourself fretful and melancholy-you are . . . [three lines torn away] there has been and is still much sickness on this place I wish you to inform Huber that be can do well in this place; as to his procuring a situation in the army it is uncertain untill the arrival of Bustamante for the Comte of this place has petitioned for a surgeon some time since-And the Govt has promised to furnish one-but in the mean time Huber could come on and learn the language and form acquaintances-The obligation of Roxo the Chief has [been] received and enclosed I send you his receipt-Saucedo has informed me that from recent information reced- (not officially) Edwards will not be permitted to go on with his Colony but will have to leave the Country beyond a doubt I think Burnett's prospect pretty good-If Burnett gets the settling of that country I think you ought to make some arrangement to have an interest in it. Do not neglect to ascertain if Bingham will sell his Gin and for what price-and let Musquis know by next mail if possible-I wrote to him on the subject before I left home-Also I wrote to Capt Hirams to collect me a few pounds of Turpentine and to send it to Williams-to be forwarded on to Dn Erasmo by the mail rider-it is for Musquis and . . . [three lines torn away.]

Tell Williams that Dn. Erasmo has not time to write him this mail owing to Multiplicity of business- he thinks he had better come on here Enclosed I send you the measure of Saucedo, for a pair of shoes which do not fail to send him by the Mail rider if they can be procured. My health is bad- I continue weak and you must excuse errors in this lengthy scrawl Lewis is still in Santa Rosa his business is unfinished as yet but has taken favourable turn I am told he is engaged in working a mine (Thursday) Since writing the above Owing to my weakness and the company that starts to day for Laredo not being sufficiently strong I shall wait until the 1st. of next month- When we can make up a considerable party- I am informed the road is infested by Indians. Give my respects to Williams and Burnett- I am glad to hear that Williams "devil" has started I hope he will have more peace of mind than formerly-The mail has just arrived from the interior-The first part of the Constitution has arrived- (that is the project) no part of it has yet been adopted The Discussion comd [commenced] on the 22d inst. next month will bring something final-Bustamente left San Luis Potasi on the 11th of the present etc. etc, I believe I have given you all the news that I am possessed of Remember me to the widow and all of my friends Dn. Erasmo and family send their respects J. B. Austin [Rubric]

Austin to Saucedo 11 Sep 1826
I inclose to your Lordship an original letter of the Cherokee Chief Richard Fields, informing me of the movements of the Comanches, and other particulars. I had already received, a few days since, a similar notice from a Chickasaw Indian, and I am convinced that, next fall, the Indians will unite to make a grand effort upon the frontier particularly that of Texas. We are not well prepared here to resist an attack. More than one half of these people are awaiting the decision of Congress in regard to their slaves, as they intend to leave the Country if their emancipation is decreed. They are already making preparations for their journey. The remainder of the settlers are so disheartened that they have no energy to make an effort. Therefore, if the slaves are emancipated the government must not depend upon the assistance of this Militia. It is to be feared that the tardiness in making provisions for the friendly Indians will dissatisfy them; which would be unfortunate, as 100 Cherokee warriors are decidedly superior to 500 Comanches. God and Liberty. Stephen F. Austin San Felipe de Austin, September 11th 1826

J. E. B. Austin to Austin Saltillo 23. Sep 1826 Afy
Dr. BROTHER: I arrived last evening after a fatigueing journey-I proceeded to visit the Baron immediately he is in good health-to day I have not been able to collect much interesting News for you-the mail starts this evening and it is now so late I shall not be able to write any thing satisfactorily until next post-The Slave question is undecided as yet. The Baron has done his best-but one opposed to so large a majority can do but little He will lay before the house a bill, in a day or two for the benefit of the 300 families and thinks there is no doubt but the slaves introduced by them will be held-he also states that he will never sign the Constitution if they persist in so unjust an imposition on the rights of the settlers-it is the opinion of the Baron that a further introduction of slaves is out of the question-in another Legislature, a favourable Slave law might, be procured, but the present one is composed of members so inimical to the interests of Texas, that the most that can be obtained is permission for the 300 families to hold their Slaves-The Constitution will not make its appearance before the 1 of Jany-The Baron is anxious to return-but at present he cannot-and in a short time the winter will set in; and his age and infirmaties will not permit him to travel-It is all important that the Colony should have a friend in the Legislature-It is also of the greatest importance the Baron should return to conclude the business of the Colony but is impossible for him to do so until March or April-I presume you heard of the confusion that has existed in the Legislature and which has caused more delay in the progress of the discussions of that body than any thing else-the substance of the whole is-the People had become disgusted with the proceedings and demanded a new Election or the Constitution-Every thing is quiet at present-and the Legislature will probabl use more dispatch; since the People have manifested their feelings-You have no idea what trifles have engaged their attention for months in fact the whole body deserve to [be] turned out doors-The Baron says he wants money I have stated to him our situation etc-I have not seen Padilla yet altho I am writing in his house-Next. mail expect a Volume Remr me to Williams and other friends-E Bean is here he has the comission of Col. and permission to settle the reserve on the Sabine and Edwards Coly as far as the Nachez. Yr B. J B A [Addressed:] Al. Ciudad- Tente- Col- Estevan F. Austin en la Villa de Sn felipe de Austin

Austin To Fullerton San Felipe de Austin October 2 1826 Genl Humphry Fullerton
Dr Sir, I was truly gratified to learn by your letter to Major Burnett that you had arrived at home safe in July, that your health was improving and that you had received applications from near one hundred families who wished to emigrate to this colony, and more were daily applying The forty Swiss families you speak of from Vevey will be valuable acquisition as cultivators of the vine, a species of culture which I have no doubt will succeed well and yield great profits in proportion to the Capital and labor employed. The climate and soil are said, by those who profess themselves judges, to be well adapted to the cultivation of the vine, we cannot decide from actual experiments for none of consequence have been made-wild grapes are very abundant in sandy soils throughout the country and of a good quality, well flavored. It is important that you should send on as soon as possible a list of the families who are coming on stating the name of the head of the family, age, where born, last place of residence, wheither married or single, number of male and female children, ages, number of hirelings-occupation-age of wife-This list is necessary in order to enter them in the records of the Colony In regard to the fees I am as yet unable to inform you-The commissioner has not come on and I have received no final instructions on the subject-I am certain however that they will not exceed about four cents pr. acre including surveying fees and all charges and six years will be allowed to pay a part of them. Such arrangements can no doubt be made with the surveyors in regard to their fees as will make the payment easy The Government move very slow-and sometimes produces embarrassments and frequently disappointments and I wish the families who are coming on to understand that I am not in any manner to be accountable or censurable for embarrassments occationed by the delays of the Government-So far as depends on me their business shall be promptly and faithfully attended to we as yet have no constitution for this state altho the Legislature or congress convened to frame it have been two years in session-there is a prospect that it will be completed in all this winter-The question as to the admission of slavery is undecided tho I think it probable that the unrestricted admission of slavery will not be permitted-those now in the country will probably be held -as slaves for life, what will be done with their descendants is doubtfull The Commissioner of the old Colony I expect will be here in all this month or next in company with that of the new one; and as soon as the affairs of the former are finally closed the surveys of the latter will commence and not before, by that time the list of families above spoken of can be sent on and the land laid off for them I am in very bad health which must be my excuse if I have not written as fully as you wished-hoping to see you and the families in the course of the coming winter I remain Stephen F. Austin [Rubric]

J.E.B. Austin to Austin Saltillo Oct. 10th 1826
DR BROTHER I wrote you two or three days since and calculated before this to have been in or near Monterrey but last evening I received inteligence that a band of Robbers had stationed themselves on the road to attack the Americans who might be returning to Refugio from the fair and what americans are in this place have concluded to join together for their mutual defense-We certainly start the day after tomorrow-I have this moment taken my leave of the members of the Legislature-they have assured me to dispel all doubts relative to the 13 Art.-The representation you made on the subject appeared so just and well founded that the Author of the Article himself (Carrillo) asked permission to withdraw it-I think the children born after the publication of the Constitution will not be freed under fourteen: Several of the members since I have proposed it, are inclined not to free them under the age of 25 or 21-the arguments and reasons adduced by myself to convince them of the justice and necessity of this law are to lengthy to insert in this communication but the principle was the advantage that would result to the slave as well as to the Public to be freed at that age possessed of some useful branch of industry whereby they might gain a livelihood-instead of becoming vagabonds and [illegible]; without any certain way of procuring the necessaries of life except in a dishonest manner-which must be the case if they are freed at 14. after that age they are compelled to stay no longer with their masters unless they choose-At any rate it is presumable that no Master will maintain a large family of young Negroes a term of years without receiving some compensation for it-and I say for the trouble and expence, the master is at to maintain them from the time they are born untill they are 14 let the slave serve a few years to recompense them-after that he can be freed possessing health, strength; and Means to support himself without being a Public pest and continually a subject of correction

I have stated every reason that I can invent-to try and procure this last clause as favourable as possible-I am confident if I had not arrived here, the children would have been declared free from their birth-and if the Art is passed-extending the period of Emancipation to 14-21-or 25-I shall flatter myself I as contributing in a small degree in obtaining it Since my last to you I have had much conversation (reserved) with Padilla relative to your situation-and touching the subjects generally you have addressed him upon he is your warm and disinterested friend-he informs me that he is afraid at present to do much on the various points you have been so frank as to submit to his consideration-because he has no confidence in the members composing the Legislature except the Baron and one or two others the ballance I may say are bought by Carrillo he says have patience-as soon as the new Legislature takes its seat-he will present the points you wish granted and has no doubt of success in the mean time he says you can present any thing else that you wish-and consider him as your legal agent in all yr transactions with Govt--Saucedo is also yr. warm friend you must cultivate the same friendship for him that has always existed- If he is appointed the Commissioner to pass to the frontier I expect Arcinega will be appointed his Secretary- No doubt you will receive the appointment of Gefe Subalterno- This is proof that the Gov, has a friendly disposition towards you, As to Gains he is so Contemptious that I have declined makeing any representation to the Gov on paper- I have conversed with all the Members respecting him and referred them to the Baron- When the subject comes before the house- I shall not be surprised if those letters be the cause of his expulsion from the Country The English have left no method untryed but on the contrary have used every exertion to induce the Genl Govt to regard the Americans with jealousy and suspicion- They have used all their intrigue and influence to injure the Character of the Americans and many representations have been made in Mexico against Amern Emigration but the Govt. attributed it to Ambition and that natural antipathy the English possess towards us- Respects to all friends the Barron and Padilla wish to be remerd JAB Austin [Rubric]
P. S. I have just seen the Comt Genl he appeared glad to see me and wishes me to remember him to you he also observed that be hoped to give you "un Abrazo" between this and next fall. he says "consider him as your friend, and old acquaintance" he also observed that you need have no trouble about the letters Gaines and Norris have been writing for men of that stamp are not calculated to injure you. The Baron says twig old McFarlands memory about some bacon he was to have paid long since he wishes it delivered to the order of La Baum--JAB. Austin
Take good care of my horse [Endorsed:] Saltillo Oct, 10 1826 [Addressed:] Al Ciudado Tente le Col Estevan F Austin en la Villa de San Felipe de Austin.

Rankin to Austin 14 Dec 1826
DEAR SIR Alabama Washington Cly Decr 14th 1826 I trust that by a renewed persevereance and industry I shall accomplish my object in geting to Texas with my family and greater part of my Connections in this Country sometime in the ensuing fall The Prohibition of slavery may perhaps prevent some families from moving to Texes perhaps not as many as might be expected and may be an inducement for many to move there that otherwise would never have thot of it I discover from the speech of the president at the opening of the Panama Congress that Religious intolerance may no longer be an objection to moving to Texes I have sent by my son a paper that contains the speech of the President of the American Congress at Panama also Mr. Adam's messuage to Congress respecting the Panama mission and some other papers my son will forward them to you for you perusal perhaps they are documents that may not have fallen into your hands and you may consider themi entertaining. I have never received anything from the Estate of Carter as compensation for the loss of my vessel will you be so good as to inquire of Esq. Kenney respecting the matter I think that I am intitled to) the am t of Carters bond to me ROBERT RANKIN

Ellis to Austin State of Alabama Town of Tuscumbia 3rd Jany. 1828
D COLO I beg leave to introduce to your aquantence and notice Mr Silus Ephram and Benjmn Fuqua and Mr Job Ingram and Kye Ingram, these Gentlemen have emigrated to your Coloney to become permanent settlers-The Mr Fuquas are Mechanics. two of them of the best kind; they are honest and respectable men and are determined to suport the Government to which they go, I have had much conversation with Mr Silus Fuqua, on the present and future prospects of your coloney; and tho he has never seen it, he has a most corect idea of its great advantages, you will find him an inteligent man and I have no doubt will be an acquisition to your Setlement, I have known these gentlemen twelve years, the Mr Ingrams I have not known personaly but from their universal good character and the Gentlemen they go with, I feel no hesitation to recomend them to your attention;

On my arival in the U. S. I found Agriculture fast declining in all the Middle and Southern region of our country, oppressed with heavey duties on imports from a broad and taxes at home, and the people burthened with debts, many of which were no doubt contracted in more prosperous times that I could not help runing a parallel in my mind between the happy condition of the adopted citizens of your country and the people of this; indeed frankness and candure impels me not to withold from you the expressions of the opinions and thoughts that have so repetedly obtruded themselves on my mind; (that is) that every family ought to bless his happy star that conduced them to a country blessed with the finest soil in North Amarica, with plenty, health, peace and happiness and if they act wisely (as I hope and trust they will) they will foster and cherish the Government they live in, which will be the certain means of preserving their estamible rights unimpaired; and a sure protection of their property-while on the contrary in this country there are hundreds and thousands of familes who do not own a foot of land nor have they any hope of ever doing so (I mean of any real value) who are barely able to sustain themselves with the most common coarse food and raiment-In the short time since my arival at home I have assertained beyond question that 40 or 50 families would emigrate with me next fall to your country if they could introduce their slaves, many of them are large holders of that description of property; and I consider it a duty I owe myself as well as you, to assure you that I shall moove to your country next fall if I can with safety bring mine; for I find I have not one slave that is willing to be sold from me;

I feel a deep interest in the prosperity of your country and hope you will do me the favour (for I shall prise it highly) to write to me by the first safe hand after the receipt of this letter; let me know if we will be alowed to bring in Slaves under any circumstances, if not what are the future prospects-what has been done with my petition, can I locate the Heseandar [hacienda] on the west bank of the colorado River If I can bring in fifty families I believe I can get $50 a League from them, and I should give you one half if you will reserve good land for them as I have always thought that compensation not enough for the founder of a colony in adition to his premium lands but this will depend on the Slave Question can fifty good Leagues be got between the colorado and auroyo lavaca-that is now vacant I know when you reach home how much you will be provoked and how much you will (on many acounts) regret the deception and fraud played off on me and many respectable citizens of your colony by William Pettus-for he even sold my boddy servant and did not take (perhaps) a dollar with him to the Rio Grande to purchase Mules for me, for his wife said in my presens she allways blamed him for not carring the money with him; nor have I received one cent for the fine mar I caried to that country for all he paid me dos not even pay the interest upon the debt-I paid for him as an innocent security Such an abuse of confidence, and once I admit friendship; proves beyond the most remote possibility of a doubt, a dereliction of all honourable principal and a depravity of hart that call never be reclaimed nor reformed, I believe I might use the same language to you Sir John Falstaff did to prince Henry (of Poins) "he is the most omnipotent villain that ever cried stand to a true man" what he has done with all the property, goods and money, he had. RICHARD ELLIS

Richard Ellis to Austin Alabama 30th Janr 1830
DEAR SIR I ask leave to introduce to your acquaintance my son Mr. N. D. Ellis, and to acknowledge the receipt of your favor by my friend Col A Winston. I wish to say to you that we have been led into an error by a proclamation of the Mexican-president as to the liberation of slaves. Perhaps he only meant bound servants such as has been by the civil Law for 200 years, but you know such is the sensitive feelings of the Slave holders on that subject, that the least agitation will deter them from emigration, and I really begin to believe with you that it is shortly to be a great evil among us for it has prevented me from sending on negros to my son in Law James N. Smith until it is too late to make a crop. The first objection is the expense of sending them on, at this late season, and a person to superintend them, the second is, every practical planter knows it is too late to make a crop even to rent land; (the worst of all evils) but the 3rd is one which I know will plead my excuse to you; when I state my own situation, for it seems one misfortune never comes alone but (as Shakespear says) treads on the heels of another; 2 or 3 months after the date of the last receipt of the pay of W. Pettus's debts, (as this will show) I had the 12th instant, a large portion of my cotton crop burnt to ashes in the warehouse of the Messrs. Harts in the city of New Orleans and Mr. J. N. Smith's with it. I refer you to my soil for the amt. and the details; (not insured) Please accept my best wishes for your happiness and prosperity. RICHARD ELLIS. Colo. S. F. Austin

Austin To Richard Ellis Et Al San Felipe de Austin June 16 1830
GENTLEMEN, You have no doubt seen published in the news papers of the United States, the law of the 6th of April last passed by the Mexican Congress relative to foreign emigration and other matters. The 10th article of that law declares that no variation shall be made in those colonies already established. My colony is established, and no legal impediment will of course be interposed to the removal to it of those who have contracted to become settlers; for they properly belong to the colony as much as those who are here. The law requires that passports should be brougbt by the emigrants from a Mexican consul, and this must be done---The government has ordered most positively that the 13th article of the State constitution shall be rigidly inforced, and I am of the opinion that Texas will never become a Slave state or country. I will be candid with you on this point, and say that I hope it never may. You will recollect that the 13th Article above alluded to is in these words---No person shall be born a slave in this state, after the Publication of this constitution in the capital of each district, and six months after the publication of this constitution, the introduction of Slaves shall not be permitted under any pretext. The constitution was published in may 1827. Since then the legislature has passed a law guaranteeing contracts, (not contrary to the laws of this state) made in foreign countries, so as to permit families to bring the necessary and indispensable house servants and labourers. This provision will be highly useful to the country without the least danger of doing any harm for no one will be willing to risk a large capital in negroes under contracts with them, for they are free on their arrival here, and can only be held to labour by contracts, as servants are all over this nation, and in other free countries. In the commencement of this settlement, I was in favour of the limited admission of slaves---My reasons were, the difficulty of procuring hands in the beginning for the necessary purposes of farming, and the necessity of holding oui inducements that slaves might be brought, in order to give the settlement a start, and to draw emigration a truly difficult thing to do at that time. It was an uphill business to get a settlement under way by any means, in the midst of an entire wilderness infested with hostile indians. The reasons for a partial toleration of this evil, have now ceased, and the true prosperity and happiness of Texas require; that an everlasting bar should be interposed to the farther introduction of slaves. Those already in the country, are to be slaves for life, unless purchased by government, and freed in that way. This is just---for the law permitted their introduction. Their descendants are, of course, free---Measures have been taken to exclude free negroes and Mullatoes, not indented servants; so that there is no danger of being crowded with that class, which is probably a worse nuisance than slaves. I cannot believe that any reflecting man, either in Texas or out of it, call seriously wish that slavery should be entailed upon this country.

To those who do not reflect, I would say, "take your pen-put down the number of slaves now in the slave states---calculate their increase for eighty years at the known ratio of augmentation---Calculate the extent of country to which they are, and must be confined, and its capacity to support human beings---Then calculate the number of white population and their increase---deduct from said increase, the emigration of whites to other countries; (no such deduction can be made from the increase of blacks, for they cannot emigrate,) compare the two sums, and then suppose that you will be alive at the period above mentioned, that you have a long-cherished and beloved wife, a number of daughters, granddaughters, and great grand daughters;---would no fears for their fate, a horrible fate; intrude themselves upon your pillow, and overcloud the evening of your life? "---If Texas is wisely and prudently managed, it will be saved from the overwhelming ruin which mathematical demonstration declares must overtake the slave states; and the white population will find within the Mexican limits a refuge; without being driven to the frozen regions of the north. To talk to some of the slave holders about justice, humanity, etc, would be talking to a deaf man, but I will not believe that any one can look on the future which the above calculation presents, without shuddering

The law of the 6th of April gives permission to foreign vessels to engage in the coasting trade from the colonies to the ports of Matamoras and Tampico and Vera Cruz. It also admits all kind of provisions and lumber, free of duty, into the ports of Matagorda and Galveston, for two years. No duties of any kind will be collected, except tonage, until after the expiration of the law of 1823, exempting Texas from duties for seven years from its publication in the Capital of Texas--It will expire in November next. You will be pleased to communicate the contents of this letter to the emigrants who have contracted to remove to this colony from your neighbourhood. S. F. Austin [Rubric] To Mess. Richd Ellis Geo. Sutherland Anthony Winston R. R. Royal, etc etc

The colonists in Texas have been well and munificently treated by this Gvt and are satisfied and contented with their situation---the most undisturbed harmony and tranquility prevails through out all Texas--Genl Teran is shortly expected on here with some troops and some evil minded persons have circulated reports that his object is to oppress the colonists---Those reports are without any real foundation in truth, and have no effect here, but as rumor flies on the wings of the wind it may waft them to you---but pay no attention to them---those who bring their families here, and can produce evidence that they belong to a contract on colonization which is in legal opperation, and who can also bring unequivocal evidences of good character, have nothing to fear

Stephen F. Austin to Wily Martin 30 May 1833, Matamoros.
.....I have been adverse to the principle of slavery in Texas. I have now, and for the last six months, changed my views of that matter; though my ideas are the same as to the abstract principle. Texas must be a slave country. Circumstances and unavoidable necessity compes it. It is the wish of the people there, and it is my duty to do all I can, prudently, in favor of it. I will do so......

B.J. White to Stephen F. Austin 17 Oct 1835 [written to Austin just prior to Battle and Siege of Bexar]
Goliad Octr 17 1835 Sir agreeably to your order I reached this place yesterday about 3 P M-found much confusion-represented your wishes to the best of my ability which I think went far to harmonize all divisions-Col Smith has resignd his command consequently Capt Dimet took command of this place. I found it imposible to send you Bread, but have sent a supply of flour and in a few days will follow up with as much Bread as can be bakd-we have plenty of flour say 30 bbls 9 Bbs powder (good) we are repairing the Guns and making every preparation for an attact which is antisipated, owing as we conceive from the necesity of Coss retaking the supplies-which we think must be scarce in Baher I now have some unpleasant news to communicate. the negroes on Brazos made an attempt to rise. Majr Sutherland came on here for a few men to take back, he told me-John Davis returned from Brazoria bringing the news that near 100 had been taken up many whipd nearly to death some hung etc R. H. Williams had nearly Kild one of his.-The carancawa is in the Navidad country killing [stealing] etc. P S--The negroes above alluded to had devided all the cotton farms, and they intended to ship the cotton to New Orleans and make the white men serve them in turn [Addressed] Gn. Stephen F. Austin Commander in Chief of the people of Texas. P Col Smith.

Santa Anna to Ministry of War Tornel 16 Feb 1836
[Excerpt of the letter from General Headquarters, Villa de Guerrero, describing his view of the situation in Texas and asking advice related to action]
............There is a considerable number of slaves in Texas also, who have been introduced by their masters under cover of certain questionable contracts, but who according to our laws should be free. Shall we permit those wretches to moan in chains any longer in a country whose kind laws protect the liberty of man without distinction of cast or color? Here are some points that it is important to solve beforehand and upon which I wish definite instructions to be dictated in order not to fall again in error as when the Anglo-Americans were permitted to colonize in Texas. In my judgment, those lands have a recognized value both in America and in Europe and there is no need of giving them to foreigners when we ourselves are capable of settling them. Military colonies such as those established by Russia in Siberia, by England in East India, and even by Spain itself in this country would be the most convenient for Texas, in my opinion. It would also be opportune for the national Congress to occupy itself in forming a plan, instead of drawing up a new colonization law, by which the salaries of both civil and military employees might be capitalized by those who chose to do so, each one receiving two-thirds in land and one-third in silver to encourage the establishment of settlements................

William S. Fisher to Gov. Henry Smith 2 Mar 1836
Sir The Schooner Shenandoah, entered this port on the 28th Ult, and proceeded up the river, without reporting, I immediately pursued her, with some of the regulars---belonging to Captain Turners company, we overhauled the vessel, that night and found, that the negroes had been landed---the negroes were however found during the Night the negroes I have given up to Mr Edwards (the owner) on his giving bond and security to the amt of their value, to be held subject to the decision of the Government, Sterling McNeil landed a cargo of negroes (africans) on the coast, I endeavered to sieze the vessel, but was unsuccessful---this traffic in African negroes, is increasing daily, and as no laws has emanated directly from the Council, in relation to this matter, I am very much in need of instruction, the number of negroes landed from the Shenandoah is 170---The Shenandoah I hold subject to the decision of the convention by laying this before that body you will confir a favour upon Your Obedient Servant William S Fisher Collector Velasco Mar. 2nd 1836 [Addressed:] To His Excellency Henry Smith

José María Tornel 1837
[Excerpt from Relations between Texas, the United States of America and the Mexican Republic by Secretary of War during the Texas campaign]
.............Greater still is the astonishment of the civilized world to see the United States maintain the institution of slavery with its cruel laws to support it and propagate it, at a time when the other nations of the world have agreed to cooperate in the philanthropic enterprise of eradicating this blot and shame of the human race. Don Lorenzo de Zavala in his Trip to the United States, a work which he seems to have written to laud them to the stars while depreciating his country to the lowest depths, at a time when perhaps he was already meditating his dark treason, cannot resist the natural instinct of repulsion inspired by the contrast of the humane and truly liberal policy of Mexico and the cruel and sanguinary one of the United States in regard to the slaves. "In crossing from the Mexican Republic to the states of our sister Republic," says Zavala, "the philosopher cannot help but feel the contrast presented by the two countries, nor can he fail to experience a grateful feeling for those who abolished this degrading traffic in human flesh, removing from our midst every vestige of so humiliating a spectacle of misery." As a matter of fact, without having proclaimed as pompously as the United States the rights of man, we have respected them better by abolishing all distinctions of class or race and considering as our brothers all creatures created by our common father. The land speculators of Texas have tried to convert it into a mart of human flesh where the slaves of the south might be sold and others from Africa might be introduced, since it is not possible to do it directly through the United States. "It seems," says Mrs. Trollope, "that it is a general and deep-rooted opinion throughout the United States that the black race cannot be trusted. According to the prevailing opinion of the country, fear is the only force that moves a slave. It is not strange, therefore, that these poor wretches should act in keeping with such a policy." This mutual distrust, this reciprocal fear between master and slave will some day result in the freedom of more than three million men, a fact to which the thinking men of the neighboring republic are not blind.

The example furnished by the magnanimous and just policy recently adopted by England will doubtless exercise a great influence. She has liberated her slaves taking upon herself the indemnization of their value to the masters. What will be the course followed by the United States? To maintain and encourage this institution as long as possible and when the fatal hour of destiny arrives which is to destroy this tyrannous and opprobrious system, to treat them as the Indians, driving them into Mexican territory also. Fortunately my opinion is confirmed by the speech of Mr. North, president of a college in New York. "It is impossible," he says, "to tolerate any longer the abuses of the institution of slavery as practised in some of our states. A domestic insurrection is not necessary, nor the intervention on the part of foreign governments to abolish a system so repugnant to our sentiments and contrary to all our institutions. Public opinion has already condemned it, and the moral forces of the nation will sooner or later bring about its total abolition. But the question that arises now is: On what conditions can liberty be restored to this oppressed class? In other countries the two races have become amalgamated and thus incorporated into a homogenous social group. Our case is not the same, however. Our slaves when free will remain to the third, fourth, and even the thousandth generation the same as they are to-day, that is, they will maintain themselves as a distinct, unfortunate, and wretched social group. Consequently, when their chains are removed, and this will doubtless take place soon, either simultaneously or gradually, it is evident that this country will find itself flooded with a population as shiftless as their condition is deplorable, a population which, as it increases, will weaken our strength, and whose very numbers will bring crime and poverty in its wake. Whether as slaves or as freemen they will always constitute a burden upon us. Why, then, should we hesitate for a single moment to encourage their deportation from our country?"

The arguments of North are so urgent in their appeal that he is not in sympathy with the establishment of a negro colony upon the African coast, a plan that has served only to distract the philosophic spirit of some of the friends of humanity but which can do no more. It is upon Texas and perhaps upon New Mexico and the two Californias that the anxious eyes of those who even now are giving their attention to the future destinies of the colored race rest. As in the United States nothing is done without a preconceived plan, and since everybody works by common accord as if by an admirable instinct for the realization of the ends pursued, it is incredible that the slow working out of the means by which some day certain difficulties whose transcendental importance has been fully realized will be solved should have been ignored in their reckoning. Thus we see the concurrence of an infinite number of interests of the United States converging for the stimulation of their policy of expansion.....

Diary of General José Urrea 1838
[Excerpt from Gen. Urrea's diary of the Texas campaign. His mention of slavery policy in Texas is in context of rebutting Gen. Filisola's criticism of his actions in the Texas campaign]
..............Can Señor Filisola still say that in deciding upon his course of action he was mindful only of what is prescribed by military usage, where he found nothing applicable to his situation? Continuing in his attempt to vindicate himself he says that in acknowledging the armistice [referring to the Battle of San Jacinto], or better said, the terms dictated by the enemy, he did nothing more than to promise to retreat and agree to an exchange of prisoners in conformity with the accepted rights of civilized peoples which prescribe war without quarter. This is the cloak with which he wishes to cover the shameful conduct he pursued. But let us grant his argument and then ask where are the prisoners that were returned to us in exchange for all those released by Señor Filisola? How will he explain the evident infraction of the law in delivering the slaves that were claimed in violation of the laws of the republic which prohibit slavery and declare free any one who sets foot upon its territory? Not content with having signed his own infamy, Señor Filisola debased himself to the point of using cringing and smile language in addressing the commissioners who took back the ratification of the treaty. To give an unequivocal proof of his subservience and servility he agreed to release a negro who was his coachman, and issued orders for his conduct to be imitated throughout the army, giving the commissioners of the enemy a safe-conduct authorizing them to recover whatever they thought belonged to the colonists. General Andrade did not permit them to inspect his camp. When they presented themselves in Matamoros with their permit [referring to a passport issued to Henry W. Karnes, Henry Teal and Victor Loupy at Rio de las Nueces, 3 Jun 1836] I told them that I did not recognize their authority, nor the government they represented, nor the agreements that had been concluded, and that I could not obey such orders. As I had previously told them that if they came to me with such demands I would treat them as they deserved, I ordered them to be taken prisoners and I sent a full report to the government, justifying my action as a reprisal for the unbecoming treatment accorded to General Woll. By this means I hoped to obtain the liberty of some of our prisoners. All the slaves within my jurisdiction continued to enjoy their liberty, and all the goods taken from the enemy were distributed among the various units of my command. The order of Señor Filisola for the delivery of the supplies taken from the enemy at Matagorda was appended to the safe-conduct. The observations presented up to this point have had as their object to prove the justness of the charges made against Señor Filisola by the War Department and by me. He has in vain tried to vindicate himself from these accusations.........

Emancipation Letter--Cherokee Little Bean 2 May 1839
Be it known that I this day and date do give and grant freedom to my two slaves, Billa and Mima, from me and my heirs forever, they are to be ther own oners as they have me in hand paid the sum of Eleven hundred dollars, which receipt I do acknowledge for thir freedom and as this may be nown, I set my hand and Seal to this in the Charoque Nation, May 2nd 1839. In Presants of the subscribing Witnesses Signed Little Bean [hisXmark] Martain Lacey End Ag, Test Martin Lacy; Corl. Boles of the Charoque Nation Boles [hisXmark]; Keys [hisXmark]; Earley Corder, Interpreter [hisXmark]; Test, P. E. Bean