Benjamin Lundy on The War in Texas 4

SONS OF DEWITT COLONY TEXAS
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The Arkansas Gazette, a paper thoroughly identified with the slave-holding interest, held forth this language, in the year 1830, respecting the purchase of the Texas country:

"As the subject of the purchase of Texas has engrossed much of the attention of our politicians for a year or two past, it may not perhaps be improper to state that we are in possession of information, derived from a source entitled to the highest credit, which destroys all hope of the speedy acquisition of that country by the United States. Col. Butler, the Charge d'Affaires of the United States to Mexico, was specially authorized by the President to treat with that government for the purchase of Texas. The present predominant party are decidedly opposed to the ceding any portion of its territory. [The writer might have added, and so are all parties.] No hopes need therefore be entertained of our acquiring Texas, until some other party more friendly to the United States than the present, shall predominate in Mexico, and perhaps not until the people of Texas shall throw off the yoke of allegiance to that government, which they will do no doubt so soon as they shall have a reasonable pretext for doing so. At present they are probably subject to as few exactions and impositions as any people under the sun." [This idea prevailed so generally in Mississippi, at the period here alluded to, that the electors of one district put the following, among other interrogatories, to their candidates for Congress: "Your opinion of the acquisition of Texas, and how---whether by force or treaty------and whether the law preventing the emigration of the Americans is not evidence of apprehension that that province wishes to secede train the Mexican government---and whether, if resisted, we ought to give the seceder military assistance---and what would be the effect of the acquisition of Texas upon our planting interest."]

In addition to the writings of various editors of newspapers and their correspondents, we might enumerate the speeches of distinguished political orators, members of legislative bodies, &c. tending to show the general anxiety of the people in our southern states for the acquisition of Tex., and the certain calculations they made on the establishment and perpetuation of slavery therein. I will, however, quote a few from only one or two. In the Virginia Convention of 1829, Judge Usphur, of the Superior Court, observed, in a speech of considerable length, that if Texas should be obtained, which he strongly desired, it would raise the price of slaves, and be a great advantage to the slave holders in that state.---Mr. Gholson also stated in the Virginia assembly, in the year 1832, that the price of slaves fell twenty-five per cent within two hours after the news were received of the non-importation Act which was passed by the Legislature of Louisiana. Yet he believed the acquisition of Texas would raise their price fifty per cent at least.

These plain indications of the resolution formed by the slaveholding party in the United States, for the acquisition of the Texas country, opened the eyes, of some of our honest citizens. A few of the northern presses spoke out upon the subject. The Genius of Universal Emancipation, for September 16th, 1829, then published in Baltimore, contained the following article:

IMPORTANT RUMOR. We copy the information below, from the "National Journal"

The public has been, for some months, acquainted with the fact that Capt. Austin has had the grant of certain privileges in navigating the Rio del Norte with steam vessels, &c. And it has also been conjectured that a disposition prevailed, among some of our politicians, to annex the vast tract of country, comprising the Texas and parts, or the whole, of several of the adjoining Mexican provinces to this Republic. But we have not, until very recently, learned that a project of this kind is not only on foot, but that our minister to Mexico is using his influence to induce that government to cede to us the country in question. This proposition, we think, is of greater importance than at first meets the eye. Some of our contemporaries speak quite favorably of the adoption of immediate measures for the acquisition of the territory in question . Others, in noticing it, pass over it without comment.

What, we would ask, would be the consequence of adding so large a territory to our already extensive domain? What the line of policy that will, in such an event, be pursued with respect to SLAVERY, in said territory? These momentous queries force themselves upon our minds, as subjects of the deepest interest. We shall very soon recur to the general subject, and give our views of it more at length.

TEXAS. Of the territory whether viewed geographically or politically, as an appendage to the United States, every one must be well aware. We believe that no man is more sensible of the value of such an acquisition than our minister to Mexico; and we believe that a treaty of boundary, by which the Texas should be included in our Republic has been one of the chief objects of his hopes, and, as far as he could with propriety act, his efforts. The following article, extracted from the Creole, refers to a report that Great Britain has attempted to obtain by purchase this large tract of territory. In the present depressed and distracted condition of Mexico; a great portion of her capital lost by her impolitic exclusion of the old Spaniards; and an expedition hostile in its character and designs, on its way to her shores, it is not to be conceived that she will listen with indifference to any offers addressed to her cupidity. It may be a subject well worthy the attention and deliberations of Congress whether an appropriation to the amount required for the acquisition of this territory, would not be amply compensated by so large an accession to our territorial wealth and political power:

TEXAS. Rio Grande del Norte, or Great North River---Captain Austin has obtained a grant from each of the States through which the river passes, securing to him the exclusive navigation of its waters, and is about to proceed on his first voyages, to ascend it by steam as high as Chihuahua the capital of the State of that name, a distance of about six hundred miles. A voyage from New Orleans to Metamoros.or Refugio, on the del Norte, can be made in three or four days and thence by steam to Chihuahua in in the same time. The Ariel, which left New York, for this purpose, has an engine of 36 horsepower, is about 100 tons burthen, moves at the rate of eleven miles and a half an hour, and draws but 3 feet 4 inches water. At high water she can get up to within 15 leagues of Santa Fe without being obstructed by the rapids. Thus a journey which now occupies two months, may be performed in a fortnight, and the products of one of the richest and most delightful regions in the world be added to our imports. A rumor reached us by the last packet from Mexico, (the Virginia) that a company of British merchants had offered to advance $5,0000,0000 to the Mexican government, on the condition that the Province of Texas should be placed under the protection of Great Britain. It was also said that a proposition would be made by the Mexican government, to put the Texas lands into our possession, on a loan of the above sum. This would be in contemplation of a treaty of cession to the United States, by which he Rio del Norte will become our southern boundary, if the proposition should still be accepted The talents and experience of Captain Austin tender him every way qualified to the bold project he has conceived, and we hope to see him early crowned with success proportioned to his zeal and activity. Creole.

In the Nashville Banner of the 21st ult. we find some communications on this subject; in one of which it is recommended to exchange the territory west of the Rocky Mountains for the province of Texas. The acquisition of the Texas has been advocated by Mr. Clay, in his speech on the Spanish treaty, in which he also eloquently deprecates the attainment of the province by foreign power: "If (said he) Texas, after being peopled by us, should at some distant day break off, she will carry with her a noble crew, consisting of our children's children, the sons of freemen."

From one of the communications of the Banner we make the following extract, in reference to this subject:

"The customhouse of New Orleans has paid the purchase money of Louisiana. If there is any man in the Union who has felt himself straitened in his private affairs in consequence of this payment, let him proclaim his name, and he shall have redress but there is not one.

"The customs of Texas would do the same thing. The Mexican, steeped to the lips in poverty, threatened with a powerful invasion by the mother country, will part with this property or any thing else for the sake of money. Now is the time, and this is the hour, to strike for our country's weal.

"Commercial men, every way qualified to form an estimate and to give an opinion have said that Texas, in the hand of the British, would be of as much, or more importance to them, than the island of Jamaica. Let us for a moment imagine this delightful region in the hands of that proud and overbearing nation, flinging bones of discord to the two sister republics, and then imagine, if you can, the deep toned imprecations, that would pervade this nation from Maine to the Sabine, from the sources of the Missouri to the mouth of the Chesapeake.

"I believe president Jackson has a listening attentive ear. It is said he would as soon scan the opinions of a corporal, as those of a Major General, and that he with equal readiness would adopt or reject either as his judgment might determine. Believing this to be the fact, I venture to make the above suggestion with the addition that there is not one moment to be lost."

Since the foregoing was put in type, we have seen a number of spirited essays upon the subject before us; and we cannot longer disguise the fact, that the advocates of slavery are resolved, at all hazards, to obtain the territory in question, if possible, FOR THE AVOWED PURPOSE OF ADDING FIVE OR SIX MORE SLAVE. HOLDING STATES TO THIS UNION!!!

It is now time for the people of the United States, who are opposed to the further extension of this horrible evil, (an evil unparalleled in the present state of the world,) to AROUSE FROM THEIR LETHARGY, and nip the monstrous attempt in the bud. We therefore call upon them, with burning anxiety, to open their eyes to a sense of the approaching danger. A "Missouri Question"---nay, a "Question," vastly more important, is now upon the tapis. Let it be duly considered; and let the public voice, from every quarter of the Republic, denounce in tones of thunder, the unhallowed proceeding.

It must be borne in mind, that the system of slavery has been abolished in Texas, by the Mexican government. It is now a FREE STATE. But the avowed design of Senator Benton, and others of his political clan, is to change this state of things, and introduce the slave system, with all its barbarities, again. Should the territory be added to this Union, upon the condition that slavery should still be INTERDICTED, a great number of the colored people in the United States, at least those bordering on the Mississippi, might be induced to remove thither. It would be the Most 8uitableplacefor them in the world. But a GREATER CURSE could scarcely befall our country, than the annexation of that immense territory to this Republic, if the system of slavery should likewise be re-established there.

The present Administration of the general government is believed to be in favor of obtaining this territory, with the view of increasing the number of Slave holding states. It is, indeed, boldly intimated in the National Intelligencer, that NEGOTIATIONS FOR IT ARE NOW PENDING. Again we say: Let the public sentiment be expressed.---Let the moral influence of the people-(the honest yeomanry of the nation)-be heard, from the highest peak of our mountains to the lowest valley---from the northern and eastern confines of the Union to its farthest southern and western limits. A more important occasion for such an expression of their will never occurred, and perhaps never may again. We shall not let the matter rest here.

The Genius of Universal Emancipation, for September 25th, (the week following,) pursues the subject as follows:

THE PURCHASE OF TEXAS. This subject now resolves itself into a National Question of the utmost importance---the LIMITATION AND CIRCUMSCRIPTION, or the EXTENSION and PERPETUATION, of AMERICAN SLAVERY. It will be in vain for any one to place a different construction upon the proposition. The quarter in which it originates; the champions who step forth in its defense; the time selected for its accomplishment;---but above all, the argument used to show its propriety, prove as clearly as even the most indubitable evidence can prove, that the great and leading object of its advocates is to enlarge the boundaries of the region of Slavery, and extend the period of its duration, in this Republic.

It is well understood, in the political circles, that the most active promoter of this scheme is no less a personage than the famous THOMAS H. BENTON, now a Senator in the Congress of the United States. and to whom the State of Missouri is more indebted than to any other man, for the "blessings" of slavery, which have been entailed upon her. Benton is a man possessed of some good qualities. While his political principles, so far as they relate to slavery, are of the most detestable cast, hypocrisy is not, by any means, a conspicuous trait in his character. In general, he speaks out, boldly, the tyrannical aristocracy of his heart; and an opponent may always know where to find him. We knew him well, as a chivalrous quill-driver, during the period of the Missouri contest. Then, as now, he strenuously advocated the unlimited exercise of all the odious "privileges and immunities" of a hereditary, irresponsible slaveholder and, indeed, he practically understood the nature of the cause he espoused.

The essays now publishing in the newspapers, over the signature of "Americanus," urging the immediate purchase of the province of Texas, are said to be from the pen of this ambitious, political aspirant. Of the correctness of the supposition we have not a shadow of doubt. Now, as formerly, he unblushingly advocates the whole system of slavery, without any qualification whatever. One of the reasons that he assigns (and one which he seems to consider the strongest) for the purchase of Texas, is, as we have before stated, that "five or six more slaveholding states" may thus be added to the Union.---Indeed, he goes farther than this in one of his calculations, and estimates that NINE MORE STATES, as large as Kentucky," may be formed within the limits of that province. He undertakes also, by much more than dubious insinuation, to show that this would give the slaveholding states a preponderating inference in the councils of the nation. He likewise asserts, that the United States once had a rightful claim to the province of Texas, by virtue of the Louisiana purchase; but that (he continues) it was lost through the influence of the non-slaveholding interest in Congress. This being his view of the matter, he now calculates that the SLAVE-ITE PARTY is strong enough to reverse the existing state of things, and open a new world, as it were, for the employment of slave-labor, like the colonial projectors have generally done before him, since the discovery of the American continent by the Europeans. There is a little difference, however, in the mode heretofore adopted for supplying the demand for slaves and that which he now has in contemplation. Instead of a dependence upon the African slave trade, he would convert the whole extent of country, where slave labor is unprofitable, and where provisions are cheap, into an immense nursery for slaves, and by this means people those more southern regions with a race of serviles (part of whom would be bred especially for the purpose) at least twice as fast as it could be done by the foreign importation alone. This would, indeed, be a splendid project! worthy of the capacious mind of a BENTON, who, we must admit, is fully competent to school a Hawkins, or a D'Wolf, in matters of this nature. The boldness, with which he advocates measures so repugnant to the feelings of the more religious and moral portion of the community, would seem to savor somewhat of rashness. No other statesman, perhaps, would dare, at this period of republican reformation, and in this era of republican light, to utter the tyrannical sentiments that he does, on slavery, at least in so open and undisguised a manner. He must have great confidence in the strength of the slaveite party; or, otherwise, he must calculate largely upon the aid of the "doughfaced" gentry of the non-slaveholding states. To secure the co-operation of these, every appeal will be made to their cupidity-every inducement held out that the hope of governmental patronage, under the present dynasty, can conjure up. -And that some of them will prove recreant in the hour of trial, and lash themselves to the car of despotism, past experience leaves us no room to doubt. How many will thus degrade themselves, and disgrace the land of their birth, time alone will show.

We are glad to find, since the last number of our paper was issued, that the subject before us is viewed in the same light as we view it, by some of our most respectable contemporaries. The Pennsylvania Gazette, of Philadelphia, and the American, of New York, have come out in plain terms, and express in a decided tone their apprehensions, as follows:

From the Pennsylvania Gazette. The acquisition of the Texas promises to be a leading measure of the present administration, and without doubt, one of great magnitude and importance. This will be very apparent from the fact as stated, that the territory in question will make nine states, as large as Kentucky; to which add the appalling consideration, that it is designed to make these nine states slave states. We are told also, that "the proper steps have been taken to procure the cession." It is high time, for the northern interest, the non-slave holding states, to look around, to see how the balance of power, which it was the object of the federal constitution to create and preserve, will be affected by this bold undertaking. We are much pleased by the following remarks of the New York American.

The Richmond Enquirer, with one of its hints that are meant to signify a great deal, says---The Statesmen who are at the head of our affairs, are not the men we take them to be, if they have not already pursued the proper steps for obtaining the cession of Texas, even before the able Nos. of Americanus saw the light. But, nous verrons," we are therefore to understand, that measures are already in train for the recovery of Texas. The able numbers of "Americanus" put the importance of this recovery to Southern men and Southern interest, on the ground of the space and advantages that country will afford, for, the future existence of Slave States." Within the boundaries of Texas, "nine States," says Americanus, "as large as Kentucky may be formed." With the immense benefits before our eyes secured to the United States by the acquisition of Louisiana, we should be cautious in pronouncing against the expediency of endeavoring to obtain for a fair equivalent, so fine a province as Texas, and which runs in, in various parts, upon what may, perhaps, be not improperly called our national boundaries. Yet, on the other hand, when the great, and, as we do not hesitate to say, unjust preponderance of the Slave States, in the existing confederacy, is considered, it may well cause the inhabitants of the free states to pause, and maturely to consider the effect upon our institutions and Union, of the increase, by the half dozen, of these states bound together by one common bond of peril, a of profit, and of political power. The moral b considerations, too, which belong to this subject, connected with the new and vast market that this province would open to the domestic slave trade---not less atrocious in principle, if somewhat milder in practice, than that which on the coast of Africa, is pronounced piracy, and punished with death---will not fail to present themselves with force to the minds of all considerate men.

The stand thus taken by the respectable and influential papers above named, inspires the hope that the more reflecting part of our fellow citizens will thwart the intentions of the advocates of slavery, in the present case, and put this gigantic scheme to rest for a season. We were aware that a deadly apathy existed, relative to the subject under review, and felt it our duty to sound the tocsin of alarm. Whatever we may think of the purchase of the territory in question, with view of colonizing our colored people there by themselves, we do not think it would be safe to do it at the present period. True, the majority of the people are opposed to the extension of slavery; but will that majority act efficiently at the present time? We have strong doubts and are decidedly of the opinion that the wisest policy will be to defer the purchase, until the public mind is fully prepared to restrict the extension of slavery beyond the limits of its present existence."

The evidence thus exhibited of a disposition in the people and government of this country to obtain the territory in question, even contrary to the expressed wishes of the Mexicans, induced their statesmen to take a very serious view of the subject. The following is an extract from a paper laid before the Mexican Congress, in the year 1829, by the Secretary of State. A strong appeal was made to the nation, to sustain the government in resisting what was alleged to be a premeditated and determined encroachment upon their territorial sovereignty. I shall copy, however, but a small portion of his remarks:

"The North Americans commence by introducing themselves into the territory which they covet on pretence of commercial negotiations or of the establishment of colonies, with or without the assent of the Government to which it belongs. These colonies grow, multiply, become the predominant part in the population; and as soon as a support is in this manner, they begin to set rights which it is impossible to sustain in a serious discussion, and to bring forward ridiculous pretensions, founded upon historical facts which are admitted by nobody, such as LaSalle’s Voyages, now known to be a falsehood, but which serves as a support, at this time, for their claim to Texas. These extravagant opinions are, for the first time, presented to the world by unknown writers; and the labor which is employed by, others in offering proofs and reasonings, is spent by them in repetitions and multiplied allegitions, for the purpose of drawing the attention of their fellow citizens, not upon the justice of the proposition, but upon the advantages and interests to be obtained or subverted by their admission. Their machinations in the country they wish to acquire, are then brought to light by the appearance of explorers, some of whom settle on the soil, alleging that their presence does not affect the question of the right of sovereignty or possession of the land. These pioneers excite, by degrees, movements which disturb the political state of the country in dispute; and then follow discontents and dissatisfaction calculated to fatigue the patience of the legitimate owner, and to diminish the usefulness of the administration and of the exercise of authority. When things have come to this pass, which is precisely the present state of things in Texas, the diplomatic management commences. The inquietude they have excited in the territory in dispute, the interests of the colonists therein established, the, insurrection of adventurers and savages instigated by them, and the pertinacity with which the opinion is set up as to their right of possession, become the subjects of notes full of expressions of justice and moderation, until, with the aid of other incidents which are never wanting in the course of diplomatic relations, the desired end is attained of concluding an arrangement onerous for one party as it is advantageous to the other.

It has been said further, that when the United States of the North have succeeded in giving the predominance to the colonists introduced into the countries they had in view, they set up rights, and bring forward pretensions founded upon disputed historical facts, availing themselves generally, for the purpose, of some critical conjuncture to which they suppose that the attention of Government must be directed. This policy, which has produced good results to them, they have commenced carrying into effect with Texas. The public prints in those states, including those which are more immediately under the influence of their government, are engaged in discussing the right they imagine they have to the country as far as the Rio Bravo. Handbills are printed on the same subject, and thrown into general circulation, whose object is to persuade and convince the people of the utility and expediency of the meditated project. Some of them have said that providence had marked out the Rio Bravo as the natural boundary of those states, which has induced an English writer to reproach them with an attempt to make Providence the author of their usurpations: but what is most remarkable, is, that they have commenced that discussion precisely at the same time they saw us engaged in repelling the Spanish invasion, believing that our attention would, for a long time, be thereby withdrawn from other things." [See the extract from the "Nashville Banner" in a preceding column, I believe that the article was written precisely at this juncture---and the writer concludes by saying, "there is not one moment to be lost."]

Whether, the charges here made were correct, or not, I leave to the decision of the intelligent reader and the impartial historian. Such, however were the impressions that were made upon the minds of well-informed Mexicans, and such the manner in which they expressed their sentiments. Some of the writers for their public presses were very pointed and severe. One of them, in speaking of the efforts of our diplomatic agent, to alienate the territory from the Mexican Republic, speaks thus:

That when he found his offer objectionable, be further insulted the nation by proposing a loan of ten millions, as a pawn-broker would, upon the pawning of Texas until repaid, which insidious proposal was meant to fill the country of Texas with Anglo-Americans and slaves, and to hold it afterwards in any event: that citizens of the United States encourage the excursions of the Comanches, and other predatory tribes, against the Mexican frontier settlements, furnishing them with arms, and buying their stolen mules, and even Mexican free-men, such as mulattoes, and Indians, to be held as slaves in Louisiana, &c. that they have suggested to the Texas colonists at various times to rebel, and declare the country independent of Mexico, or even ask an union with the United States of the North, who will allow the bane of slavery.

The excitement produced among the Mexicans, by the efforts above alluded to, was very great; and upon the strength of these impressions, the general Congress passed the law of April 6th, 1830, prohibiting the further migration of Anglo-Americans into Texas. The jealousy of the British government was also aroused, and the subject was noticed in the lower House of Parliament. A debate occurred in which the celebrated Mr. Huskisson took a leading part, that manifested the liveliest interest in the independence of the Mexican Republic, and the integrity of its territory. It would require too much space at present to insert the speeches, made during this discussion; but a brief synopsis, or hasty review of it, is here given from the London "Times":

Mr. Huskisson, in presenting the Liverpool petition on the subject of their relations with Spain and Mexico, in the course of last night, urged with great force the propriety or preventing Spain from making further attacks from the side of Cuba, on the now liberated Republic of Mexico.

There was a further subject, and one of extreme importance, discussed by Mr. Huskisson, in the course of his speech we mean the general prevalence of an opinion that the United States covet a fine province of Mexico called Texas, and are disposed to have recourse to violence, if necessary, for the purpose of getting it into their hands. The province of Texas extends southwards from the United States along the coast of Mexico, and as such, the seizure of it by the former power could not be a matter of perfect indifference to Great Britain. The possession of the Floridas by the United States, has long since given rational cause of uneasiness to England, from regard to the safety of our West India Islands; and we agree with Mr. Huskisson, that when the government of Washington intimated its repugnance to seeing Cuba transferred from the feeble Ferdinand to the vigorous grasp of George IV, the United States should have been informed that if Cuba were to continue permanently Spanish, so Texas, and in general the whole shore along the Gulf, should ensure to the Mexican republic.

The reference made by the Right Hon. Gentleman to communications, official as well as private, from the late Mr. Jefferson, descriptive of the eager and deep rooted longings of the American statesmen for slices of Mexico, and above all things for the island of Cuba, will not, we are sure, be lost upon the memory of his Majesty's Government in its future transactions with the Spanish Cabinet, with that of Mexico, and of the United States. With Spain we have a defensive alliance, ready made and consolidated by the most obvious interest, to prevent Cuba from falling a prey to the systematic aggrandizement of the United States. With Mexico, we are equally identified in resistance to the attempts of the same States upon Texas.

It must be observed that the principal advocates of measures for the acquisition of Texas, in the United States, previous to this period, were the southern slaveholders; -and their influence was now paramount in the Cabinet. But finding that the territory could not be obtained by negotiation and purchase, and well know claim to it could possibly be sustained the government declined pressing the matter further at the time. The writers for the newspaper press, too, now ceased to urge it upon the public attention. Yet the scheme was by no means abandoned. A different mode of operations was planned and adopted, for the ultimate and certain accomplishment of their object. It was known that nearly all the colonists in Texas were originally from our slave holding States, and either slave holders themselves, or friendly to the re-establishment and perpetuation of the system of slavery there. The plan thenceforth pursued was, to misrepresent the Mexican laws &colonial regulations, relative to slavery, and induce the emigration of persons favorable to their views, until their numerical and physical strength should enable them to take advantage of some critical conjuncture, and subject the country, at least, to their legislative control. Should they succeed in this, they believed that they would, finally, be able to carry their whole design into effect-which could be done either by the future attachment of the territory to the northern Union, or to a new confederacy that might eventually be organized, still more favorable to the principle and practice of slaveholding. As I have stated before, in my previous remarks, the private correspondence kept up for this purpose was very extensive, and the emigration from our southern States to the Texas country continued to increase. Slaves were taken in without hesitation, and men of wealth, enterprise, and influence throughout the southern and southwestern States, lent their countenance and aid to the scheme.

Since the present insurrection commenced, the excitement against our citizens in Mexico has risen, of course, to a higher pitch than ever. The late Speech, delivered by John Quincy Adams, in the Congress of the United States, and translated into the Spanish language, as aforesaid was published in that country, with the following introductory remarks:

The discourse annexed, which was delivered in the House of Representatives of the United States, by the Ex-President, John Quincy Adams, is a Document which, in the actual state of things, ought to attract the attention of all reflecting men; not absolutely as a specimen of oratory, but as that of the effusions of a sublimated soul, which soars above the corruption of the times, dares to promulgate the truth in its purity, and plead in defense of the principles of Justice, so scandalously trampled upon in his country with respect to the question relating to Texas.

The speculators in Land, at New Orleans and New York, have conceived the project of enriching themselves, by wresting from Mexico the territory of Texas; and as it became requisite to give an air of honesty to their base intentions, they have, with a plausible pretext, fastened upon the much abused epithet of Liberty.---But there is another design, which threatens the Political existence of the Hispano-American Nations, especially of Central America, and New Granada, which by their geographical position, and peculiar advantages in the commercial sphere, may be considered as the Keys of the Continent: this design is the establishment of SLAVERY. So that if the Anglo-Americans succeed in their effort of appropriating Texas to themselves, Mexicans, Central-Americans, Granadians, tremble for your future destiny! because, on a day least thought of, you will become the prey of the insatiable Anglo-Saxon-American cupidity; and the soil on which you now tread, will be sold by lots at each Public Exchange of the United States, to fill the purses of your Invaders, and to transfer your plantations and other territorial possessions to the hands of the trafficking mob, who look forward for the moment to subjugate you.

The discourse of Mr. Adams reveals important mysteries---it discovers plans, which he magnanimously condemns, and publishes that which, afar off, all cannot see. Mr. Adams, an Anglo-American, well knows the character of his countrymen; and guided by a pure zeal for the cause of humanity, and of justice, he has not dreaded to draw upon himself the hatred of his depraved contemporaries, and at least to preserve his personal honor, since he cannot that of his country, before the tribunal of mankind and of posterity, by affording in this manner to Philanthropists, to the truly liberal, and to all worthy men, the satisfaction of seeing him defend, with courage and energy, the noble cause of the freedom of the human race.

But above all, the Mexicans ought to know the high destinies to which Providence calls them in the New World, by confiding to their care nothing less than the guardianship of this same Liberty. What imports it, that hireling Editors and Land-jobbers vociferate? if the whole world is to be the witness, and judge of the rectitude of this noble cause? What imports it, that general Santa Anna has had a disastrous encounter, if his personal fate (however to be lamented) be not that which led him on to battle is that he is the only Mexican who loves his country? is he the sole champion of liberty, whom Mexico can call forth to drive from the soil of the country the Banditti who propose to domineer over a part of it, in order forthwith to contaminate it by introducing hordes of Slaves? This warfare admits of no compromise; it must terminate either in the beneficent triumph of the universal emancipation of the human race, or else the sacrifice of all liberty throughout America, by establishing slavery where it has been abolished, or has not existed, through the instrumentality of the degenerate portion of the English race, which now inhabit that part of the United States extending from the Capital to the boundaries of Texas.

From the commencement of their operations, we have seen, that the "choice spirits" of that extensive, unholy combination of slaveholders and land-jobbers who have swayed the destinies of Texas, have steadily and undeviatingly pursued their object. They have constantly adhered to their settled, original purpose, however they may have occasionally relaxed their opening undisguised efforts. It is true, their rashness sometimes led them into the adoption of premature measures, and they were compelled to halt, and even to retrace their steps, for the moment. Those who had neither character nor property at stake, and those at a distance from the scene of action, were more reckless of consequences than the substantial settlers in the country, on whom the weight of responsibility must necessarily fall. This was strikingly exemplified in the case of Austin's treasonable attempt, which resulted in his imprisonment by order of the general government. Calculating on the intestine of difficulties of the Republic, he was prompted to the commission of overt acts before their plans were sufficiently matured.

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